Heck’s vote on health care could prove calculated political decision

By Karoun Demirjian, Delen Goldberg

Thursday, Jan. 20, 2011 | 2 a.m.

The new health care law was among the top targets last year for Republicans running for Congress. Except, that is, for Joe Heck, who largely skipped that section of the 2010 GOP playbook.

During his campaign to unseat Rep. Dina Titus, Heck espoused seemingly contradictory positions on the law that was Democrats’ signature legislation — talking tough about its repeal early on, then later soft-pedaling it or keeping to vague generalizations.

For example, the day Congress approved the bill, he wrote on his campaign website: “You have my word that when I’m in Congress I will do everything possible to repeal this horrible bill.”

Two weeks later, on “Face to Face With Jon Ralston,” he said, “I don’t think you’ve ever heard me say ‘let’s repeal the whole bill.’ ”

And after winning the election, he sounded measured and almost complimentary of the new law. “I think there are things in the bill that need to be fixed, things that need to be done away with and things that we need to preserve,” Heck told the Sun.

Some experts say this was smart politics in a district evenly split between Democrats and Republicans — likely also divided on whether the law is good or bad for the nation — and where independents have been credited with deciding close elections.

Heck maintained his noncommittal stance until the morning of Wednesday’s House vote to repeal the law.

“There is more wrong with this bill than there is right,” Heck said in his first floor speech. He later cast his “yea” vote in favor of repeal along with the entirety of the Republican caucus and three Democrats.

The vote was a stronger statement than Heck has been willing to adopt in his rhetoric on the issue.

“Making sure people don’t lose their coverage once they get sick; letting dependent children stay on their parents’ insurance until they turn 26; making sure anyone who wants to buy insurance can purchase a policy, regardless of pre-existing conditions, and allowing consumers choice while creating incentives to purchase insurance that fits their needs — work,” he said in his floor statement.

Three of the four points he stressed are in the Democrat-supported law.

That could signal an understanding that parts of the measure are growing in popularity as they take effect.

And it appears Heck’s fellow Republicans might be reaching that conclusion as there’s been a change of tone across the caucus, at least among House members. Although the chorus of health care critics calling for a repeal to beat back advancing socialism dominated the party’s rhetoric during the election, those voices have been largely pushed to the margins in favor of a more conciliatory tone, one of: We want health care, we just want to do it right.

How they will do that isn’t clear. Some Republican leaders seem to be advocating a return to an alternative comprehensive health care proposal they put up against the Democrats’ bill last year. But Republicans, who begin meetings to draft a replacement this week, haven’t officially endorsed an approach.

Heck, who was unavailable to comment Wednesday, had stressed this month that he wasn’t comfortable casting a repeal vote without a replacement in the works. “I’m very concerned about making sure there’s a replacement in the queue,” he said.

But in a way, this was a free vote for the centrists. Because Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid is blocking the repeal from being considered on the Senate floor, there’s no way the mandates Republicans say they support are going away during this Congress.

If there are to be changes to the health care law, they will likely happen piecemeal, as that’s the only way they’re likely to get past the Democrats’ blocking patterns in the Senate.

Democrats have said they are willing to make “improvements” to the bill, but only in specific places such as amending the 1099 tax reporting requirement under the law that most small businesses have said is too onerous and cumbersome.

Thus Heck’s position could prove to be not so much a contrast between rhetoric and reality as a calculated political decision.

Just as his vague stance on health care during the election helped him toe the line between Republicans and independents, Heck’s vote could curry favor with more right-leaning interests who staunchly opposed the health care law. It could help him stave off a Republican primary challenge in 2012.

His pro-reform rhetoric, meanwhile, won’t alarm those who like the law or begin to see its benefits. Repealing the bill would mean 100,000 constituents of the 3rd Congressional District would lose health insurance, according to a study by Democratic members of the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Costs to local hospitals would rise by $27 million annually.

Nevada’s 3rd Congressional District is at best split on health care reform and it’s likely at least a slight majority favors the law. (Nationally, only 37 percent of voters favor repealing all or parts of the health care reform bill, according to an ABC News/Washington Post poll conducted this week.)

“The Democrats are no dummies the way they made the legislation,” UNLV political scientist David Damore said. “All the good stuff comes first, and once the benefits come in, people say ‘this isn’t so bad, the sky isn’t falling.’ ”

Delen Goldberg reported from Las Vegas. Karoun Demirjian reported from Washington.