Las Vegas Sun

March 28, 2024

Rory Reid’s gamble on Clinton turns riskier

For campaign honcho, Jan. 19 can pay off or burn

Rory Reid canvassing for Hillary Clinton

Tiffany Brown

Rory and Cindy Reid turn to greet Peggy Ganopole’s neighbors while canvassing Sunday for Sen. Hillary Clinton in Henderson. Reid, a political pragmatist, went out on a limb for Clinton, some say.

Few people in Nevada will be watching the results of New Hampshire’s presidential primary tonight with more interest than Rory Reid.

As Sen. Hillary Clinton’s state campaign chairman, Reid has become the go-to guy for the presidential candidate, giving the mild-mannered Clark County commissioner a high-profile role on a national stage for the first time.

It seemed a safe bet when he came out for Clinton nearly a year ago. But since then, it’s become apparent just how risky the move was for Reid.

With Clinton’s third-place finish in Iowa and with some polls showing her trailing Illinois Sen. Barack Obama by double digits in New Hampshire, her showing in Nevada’s Jan. 19 caucus will be perhaps the most important moment in Reid’s budding career the difference between potentially having a powerful ally in the White House and simply having a friend in New York.

As a politician, Reid is known for his caution and has never faced a tough election. Thus, in a sense, his political wits are being tested for the first time.

Part of the reason Reid has so much on the line is that his role in Clinton’s campaign is a unique one.

In presidential contests, roles such as Reid’s often amount to little more than that of state figurehead. Show up for photo ops, introduce the candidate when he or she visits, give a token quote after a debate.

The down-and-dirty work of state campaigns is typically left to hired guns brought in from outside the state, experienced strategists willing to do whatever it takes to win regardless of what bridges might be burned.

Clinton, however, has entrusted Reid with much more, from locking up key endorsements to calling many of the campaign’s strategic shots in Nevada. In other words, he’s not just introducing her at events he’s in the limousine with her on the way there.

For Reid, the potential upside of a Clinton victory, not just in Nevada’s caucus but in November, is clear enough. But a Clinton defeat poses downsides.

Because Reid is one of the principal architects of Clinton’s campaign here, her loss would raise questions about his judgment and political acumen.

In addition, just as his role in the campaign has created tension with one of Nevada’s largest unions, Reid also could have to deal with post-caucus strains with other local and state power brokers.

Moreover, if another Democrat ends up in the White House, Reid could get a lukewarm reception when he looks to Washington for help on regional issues. In Reid’s case, however, any political payback could be mitigated by the fact that he is the son of the Senate majority leader, assuming Democrats retain control of the Senate this fall.

Clinton’s campaign has banked heavily on the theme of inevitability, a theme that Reid’s early endorsement last February localized. With Nevada’s most influential politician, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, having vowed to remain neutral, it appeared that Clinton had snagged the next best thing: his son.

Rory Reid’s decision to back Clinton started with a call from the former first lady during dinner. That spawned a trip to Washington, D.C., where Reid became convinced that she was the right person to lead the country.

His support came with a condition, however: Clinton had to promise to spend time and resources in Nevada to build an organization that would help local Democrats in the future. She agreed.

Since then, it has become clear that Reid’s role in the campaign is not merely ceremonial. In the months that followed, Reid played the key role in maintaining the Clinton juggernaut, doggedly pursuing endorsements from the state’s political establishment.

“He was very convincing,” said Assembly Majority Leader John Oceguera, a North Las Vegas fire department captain who bucked his own union’s endorsement of Connecticut Sen. Chris Dodd to back Clinton.

Reid used the commitment he got from Clinton to convince others.

“He made a good argument about ... what the campaign could do to help as far as organizing, volunteers, all those things that could help both my (Democratic Assembly) caucus and the party down the road,” Oceguera said.

Reid’s persistence also was a factor.

“He made sure to call me once a week,” said Assemblyman Ruben Kihuen, Las Vegas, who is backing Clinton.

“Persistent is the right word,” Oceguera said.

Such persistence, however, sometimes can rub people the wrong way and alienate friends the main reason hired guns from out of state often handle such work.

Take for example one of the state’s largest unions the Service Employees International Union.

When Clinton’s campaign released a list of 200 local nurses who supported her, some saw it as an attempt to preempt an SEIU endorsement of a rival candidate.

Reid has since tried to smooth things over with the union, which hasn’t made its presidential endorsement. It’s a relationship Reid can’t afford to sacrifice, because the SEIU’s largest unit in Nevada is composed of county government workers, whom Reid oversees as a commissioner.

Beyond shoring up endorsements, Reid has played a major strategic role. When reporters pose a tough question on a Nevada issue, there is a refrain among Clinton campaign staffers: Where’s Rory?

He also helps decide when she comes to the state, where she goes and, perhaps most important, what she says.

That work is usually left to the campaign’s hired political director in this case Robby Mook, a former deputy field director for the Democratic National Committee and a field director for Howard Dean’s presidential bid in New Hampshire in 2004.

But Mook often defers to Reid, according to people close to Reid.

Clinton’s national chairman, Terry McAuliffe, said of the campaign’s strategy in Nevada last spring: “I’m going to let Rory Reid figure it out for us.”

Similarly, Clinton told the Reno Gazette-Journal in April: “I’m taking the lead from people who are part of my campaign because I think we’ve got to listen to what elected officials like Rory Reid and others are saying, who understand the challenge that the West is facing.”

It’s a role Reid has enthusiastically embraced. Though it’s primarily a behind-the-scenes one, it became visible after the CNN-sponsored Democratic debate Nov. 15 at UNLV’s Cox Pavilion. Alongside national strategists in the post-debate Spin Room, Reid eagerly fed the media easily digestible sound bites.

“If this were a heavyweight fight, it would have been called after the first round,” he said, reaching out and putting his hand amiably on a reporter’s shoulder. “Obama and Edwards were throwing haymakers. She counterpunched one time and the whole tenor of the debate changed.”

Political observers say it’s good practice for Reid, a pragmatist not prone to risky moves. If he runs for higher office, as many think he will, he isn’t likely to get a free pass. So his role in the Clinton campaign offers much-needed experience in the world of bare-knuckle politics.

The big question mark is how Clinton’s loss in Iowa and a potential loss in New Hampshire could affect Nevada’s caucus, the rookie of the early nominating process. With the stakes higher than ever, Reid is taking some of his biggest gambles yet.

He said Monday the campaign isn’t making any major adjustments. Instead, he said, he’s counting on the independence and thoughtfulness of Nevada voters.

“Giving a good speech is not the only quality to be president of the United States,” he said, a subtle dig at the hype surrounding Obama’s oratory. “Nevadans aren’t going to let Iowa and New Hampshire pick the next president.”

Time will tell. But one thing is certain: Reid’s political fortunes are now tied to Clinton’s.

Nevada’s caucus will show whether her decision to put so much stock in a local politician was a smart one and whether Reid chose wisely.

Sun reporter Michael J. Mishak contributed to this report.

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