Power broker led the drive for California tribes’ gambling win
Saturday, Dec. 16, 2000 | 10:11 a.m.
Today, tribal leaders credit his tactical maneuvers during negotiations with Gov. Gray Davis for making possible the provision that allows every gaming tribe in the state to own two casinos aka the "Milanovich clause."
"We couldn't get a credit account at K-Mart. We didn't have any sort of a financial track record," said Milanovich of the early 1990s as the tribe worked to develop its downtown Palm Springs reservation with a hotel and casino. "It was cash and carry."
Today, Milanovich appears almost gleeful as work progresses on the Agua Caliente Casino, an $80 million resort.
The tribes first casino in a tent near downtown Palm Springs was so controversial they hid their intentions until the casino was ready to open.
In contrast to the first casino, the tribe said more than 15 banks competed to pony up for the Agua Caliente Casino, scheduled to open by April.
But before Southern California tribal leaders who led the fight for Indian gambling could revel in its success, they spent time as the targets of criticism by gambling foes.
Everyone from Las Vegas casino operators to religious groups joined to fight Proposition 5. The statewide referendum in 1998 was a precursor to Proposition 1A, the measure that ultimately legitimized California Indian gaming in March.
One political ad blasted tribal leaders for misleading the public. The ad featured expensive housing on the San Bernardino County reservation of the San Manuel Band of Serrano Indians and sharply criticized gaming tribes.
"Voters wanting to help poor Indians are being deceived by the backers of Proposition 5," the announcer said. "(Proposition 5) just makes a few rich casino owners richer."
Despite the backing of Las Vegas casino interests, anti-gambling forces complained they were outspent by millions of dollars from wealthy tribes.
People close to Indian gambling said tribal leaders matured politically during the battles and the experience helped during the most recent negotiations with Davis.
"They simply adapted to the same models (as) everyone else," said Michael Lombardi, a former official at Casino Morongo near Banning, now an Indian gambling consultant.
"Now California tribes have lobbyists, they have grant writers. They have all the tools you need to survive."
Milanovich is one of a number of Southern California Indians for whom Indian gambling uplifted their tribes and turned them into powerful political forces.
Mark Macarro, chairman of the Temecula-based Pechanga Band of Luiseno Mission Indians, became the face of California Indian during a series of political ads produced in support of Proposition 5.
Mary Ann Andreas, chairwoman of the Morongo Band of Mission Indians, delivered an address to the delegation at the Democratic Convention in Los Angeles in August and used her clout to lobby President Bill Clinton on political issues close to California Indians.
Agua Caliente leaders attended the 2000 Democratic and Republican conventions this summer and contributed money to both events.
Clearly, Indian gambling has lifted the mantle of Americas "forgotten tribes" from the backs of California Indians.
"If it wasn't for Indian gaming ... the tribes would continue to be a low priority," said Kevin Gover, the Clinton administrations top Indian official.
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