Jeff German: Gaming industry backs Ensign against Coffin

Wednesday, Aug. 28, 1996 | 11:59 a.m.

EARLIER THIS MONTH, Bob Coffin brought House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt to Las Vegas to headline a fund-raiser in his bid to unseat Rep. John Ensign, R-Nev.

Coffin, a Democratic state senator from Las Vegas, raised a sizable chunk of change, but only two casino executives showed up.

The gaming industry's lack of presence left little doubt it was standing solidly behind Ensign, whose father oversees the daily operations of Circus Circus Enterprises, the second largest gaming company in Nevada.

Having won a seat on the influential House Ways and Means Committee, the first Nevadan to do so in 100 years, Ensign has raised more than $900,000 for his re-election campaign. A large portion has come from special interests such as gaming.

Coffin, meanwhile, has only $99,991 in the bank, a figure Ensign has surpassed in gaming contributions alone.

Ensign seems to relish the industry's support.

One of his biggest backers has been Mirage Resorts Chairman Steve Wynn, who not only has donated money, but has used the resources of his sophisticated political machine to boost his campaign.

Mirage Resorts, the largest casino company in the state, is partners with Circus Circus at the recently opened Monte Carlo hotel-casino on the Strip.

Ensign's campaign reports show he has received another couple hundred thousand from special interests such as the petroleum and tobacco industries. The medical profession also has weighed in.

In 1995, Ensign was the top-ranking House freshman in contributions from political action committees.

By comparison, Coffin has received a mere $12,000 from the gaming industry, and he says he won't accept cash from oil and cigarette companies.

"We're not taking money from people who pollute the atmosphere and try to ruin the environment," Coffin says. "I've been up against them before in Nevada, and it hasn't hurt me."

Coffin has, however, accepted large sums from one special interest group -- organized labor, which has been mounting an independent television campaign against Ensign.

Environmental groups also have backed Coffin.

Nearly half of Coffin's donations, however, have come from unions associated with the AFL-CIO and its attacks on Ensign.

Ensign acknowledges the hits from labor have softened him up. But he insists he'll be making up ground soon, as he dips into his large campaign war chest to promote his accomplishments.

Some of the money he'll be spending even has come from labor.

The Culinary Union, which has close ties to Circus Circus Enterprises, contributed $5,000 to Ensign's campaign in 1995.

Union leaders, who identify more with Democratic candidates, have been reluctant to make an endorsement in the race.

Ensign says he has 30-40 percent of the Culinary Union members in his district supporting him, a claim Coffin disputes.

Still, the divergent way in which the two campaigns have tapped into sources of money has led many to regard the race as a classic conflict between business and labor.

At the same time, Ensign's strong identification with the Republican revolution led by Speaker Newt Gingrich and Coffin's reputation for being one of the new moderate Democrats looking to take back Washington has led national political pundits to keep a close eye on the Nevada battle.

Some even are suggesting control of the House could rest on the campaign's outcome.

Before it's over, we may witness a textbook case on the ability of special interests to influence a political race.